This article examines the early days of the Hare Krishna movement
in Hungary. It is an interesting view of the movement through the
eyes of the government, the media, mainstream religious groups and
the general public, all in a time of social and political upheaval.
The author also looks at the motivation and attitudes of those who
adopted Krishna consciousness despite open hostility towards the
movement by certain portions of society. The article is based on
surveys performed in 1995-7. It is of importance as it is one of
a very few such studies to emerge from Eastern Europe.
How have the mostly new Hungarian devotees received, evaluated
and interpreted this new religion? Why did they choose a religion
apparently so alien to Christian culture? What is the impelling
force behind their often unexpected conversion? How deep is the
religious awareness of the devotees joining an unfamiliar tradition?
To what extent is Krishna consciousness pervading the different
dimensions of their lives?
How are the Hungarian Krishna devotees received (evaluated and
interpreted) in their environment: by the people on the streets,
followers of other religions (in this mainly Christian country),
the media, the politicians and the devotees themselves? Is the cultural
shock caused by the completely new lifestyle, culture and knowledge
avoidable, or is it mitigated by the happiness and bliss of conversion
and enlightenment? The Vedic Krishna religion simultaneously means
knowledge, faith, sentiment, ceremony, lifestyle and community.
Through which of these gates do new devotees enter this new world?
In what order do they become initiated into these dimensions? I
undertook the task of answering these questions when I started to
research the world of the Hungarian Krishna devotees early in the
autumn of 1995. This paper only includes the first steps and first
Hare Krishna and political change in Hungary
Krishna devotees first appeared in Hungary at the end of the 1970s,
but only in the second wave of the mission, in the mid 1980s, did
a viable community develop. Their reception in Hungary, as Zsuzsa
Horvath also found it, was
filled with both sympathy and antipathy. Since 1989 the Community
of the Hungarian Krishna conscious devotees (from now on HSKCON
or Hare Krishnas) is a registered
religion in our country.
By 1993, half of the population had heard of them.
In September 1991, two years after the political changes and just
after the second country-wide Hare Krishna Festival, Geza Nemeth,
a reformed minister, started an attack against the Krishnas in many
newspapers. His main charges
were that individuals are brainwashed, split from their families,
have lost consciousness of being Hungarian, are treated like slaves.
Other charges are psychological terror, aggressive psycho-technology,
total control, cunningness, and perversion of personality. The president
of the council of the Reformed Church declared that Nemeth was not
an authorised representative of his church's views.
One month later, with the help of two Protestant ministers
he founded the Helping Friend Team, the Hungarian version of the
anti-cult movement. Some of the goals of the Team are 'disclosing
information', 'alerting the organs of criminal investigation', 'establishing
an authority to receive complaints against destructive cults', 'to
act against television and radio programmes that are propagating
these cults', 'to deprogramme the victims of these cults', 'to neutralise
the economic and political penetration that is endangering national
security'. In early 1993
Nemeth suggested to a committee of the representatives of 36 churches
that they separate themselves from dangerous religious groups (he
named HSKCON amongst these groups), but the committee rejected the
suggestion. Not much later Albert Toth, reformed minister and a
representative of the Hungarian Democratic Forum,
moved an amendment to the Committee of Human Rights of the Hungarian
Parliament that the four churches which represent destructive ideology
among them HSKCON should not get support.
On March 19, the Parliament resolved that HSKCON and three other
religions, being 'destructive
sects', would not get government support. Later that month a motion
was tabled which determined that to qualify as a church, there were
two requirements: 10,000 Hungarian members or a 100-year Hungarian
history. The Publicity Club collected 63,000 signatures against
this, and international protest was also strong. In April 1993,
HSKCON presented a petition signed by 140 well-known public figures
to the Vice-President of the Parliament. In the summer of 1993,
a court gave a judgement against Nemeth,
and in the beginning of 1994 it rejected his appeal. In September
1993, Nemeth organised a conference about cults but invited only
those parents of 'cult-members' whom he chose to take part. He similarly
selected the lectures. Zsuzsa Horvath, the most noted Hungarian
religion sociologist studying the new religious movements and cults,
requested leave to speak but her request was rejected. HSKCON performed
a three-day-long, peaceful musical demonstration at the entrance
of the meetings. In March 1994, the Parliament voted for governmental
support of HSKCON and, by this, they withdrew the judgement of HSKCON
as 'destructive' and recognised its religious life and charitable
To evaluate these events is delicate because their key figure
G. Nemeth, who died in 1995 'was undoubtedly a well-intentioned
person who had been deprived of his congregation for twenty years
and was working as a travelling preacher who later helped the Transylvanian
refugees and the neglected, drug-addicted young people.'
Furthermore, this minister, who urged unity of the Christian Churches,
had Martin Luther King and Gandhi as his role models. Why was it
him who began an anti-cult campaign? Could he have done it without
expansive support? After the political change of regime he might
have felt, like others, wary of the many new values, standards and
traditions flowing into the country with the extended freedom. Often
this was spearheaded by religious and spiritual movements. It is
difficult for the ordinary person to distinguish between the valuable
and the destructive, the real and the imitation, between those things
that can be implanted and those that can only be hung upon us.
Many people might think, with more or less reason, that as the
hamburger and Coca Cola have replaced the tastes of our country,
the new spiritual-intellectual movements may have similar effects
on our European, Christian and national values. Nemeth alerted the
troops without proper political culture, sociological knowledge
or psychological sense, in defence of a minority that was supposedly
injured: the parents left by their children joining the religious
movements. Besides the 'injured', but in many cases not at all perfect
parents, many other people were standing behind and next to Nemeth:
some of the ministers and the congregation of the historic churches,
a lot of workers from the Christian parties (among them many members
of Parliament), (temporarily) the majority of the mass media and
the majority of the uninformed public who were without a tradition
What J. G. Melton states
in connection with the tragedy of the Davidian sect at Waco is true
for Hungary after the decay of communism a new enemy is needed
for the maintenance of identity. In the eyes of Nemeth and his allies
these enemies are the Western world (mainly the USA) and the liberalism
and cults that are expanding from the West to the East. They are
enemies because they suppress and weaken national values. As Laszlo
Bartus mentions in a noted liberal newspaper: 'The exaggerated summer-long
campaign of the Hare Krishnas played a great part in the explosion
of the affair of the cults. Those little religious communities which
demand acceptance by the society have to learn to have respect for
the boundaries of the majority.'
'Krishna drug', 'Krishna party', 'Krishna festival', 'Krishna dinner',
'Krishna-village': Krishnas in the Hungarian press
These typical article titles from 1991-5 describe well the Hungarian
reception of the Krishnas. Apart from the occasional one-lined and
captioned-pictures, fifty to seventy articles were published about
the Krishnas in over seventy printed publications.
Half of the writings deal with the introduction of the Krishna
religion, a quarter of them are profiles of individual members;
six of them provide a thorough analysis. Mostly the Krishnas are
portrayed as items of curiosity, and the main interest is about
the dress-code, reincarnation, diet and sexual habits. The rest
of the articles deal with events, mostly (15%) with festivals and,
in due course, with HSKCON's food distribution programme, the conference
organised by Geza Nemeth, the legal case, the parliamentary decision
against the Krishnas, the Krishna village, the scientific conference
organised by the Krishnas for introducing their religion and with
a rock musician who became converted to the Krishna faith.
Between January 1991 and September 1995, 35% of the articles were
published in national papers, 30% in regional and local daily papers,
9% in political weekly papers, 8% in entertaining weekly papers
and 3% in art and scientific journals. There were very few articles
published in youth and religious papers. In 1991, 51% of the articles
made no value-judgement, but were mainly concerned with facts, 39%
portrayed the Krishnas negatively and 11% in a positive light. In
the next year the number of neutral articles grew to 66%, with the
number of negative ones decreasing to 20%. In 1992, the number of
articles dealing with curiosity increased from 9% to 21% (in other
words, they took the place of the negative articles). By 1993, the
number of negative articles had further decreased (to 9%) and the
number favourable to the Krishnas had increased three times as compared
to 1991. This is the year of the marked change, for the majority
(82%) of the articles published in the next two years were neutral
or objective. I estimate that at least 40% of the positive articles
were written or inspired by Krishnas or their friends. 40% were
published in left-wing papers and in the yellow press, 10% in right-wing
and Christian-democratic papers that in 1991 had published negative
articles. From 1992 there was an increase in articles that reported
Krishna events having titles such as: 'Peace be with you', 'Meeting
with the attractive superior being', 'Purifying the heart', 'Krishna's
charitable children', 'Krishna village opened to the world',
'Cart festival in the sign of tolerance'.
Ten prominent publicists wrote a dozen articles about the Krishnas.
Eight of them wrote positively. Beside Nemeth, a dozen distinguished
public figures (scientists, politicians, artists, priests) expressed
their opinion. Seven of them were positive, three neutral and two
What was the cause of this quick change in perception? Was it due
to the publicity about democracy? If so, does that mean that Hungary
is finally part of Europe? The answer is yes partially. Freedom
of religion (and the 'cults') is one of the tests of democracy.
Few newspapers after early uncertainty failed this
Is it possible that we have to seek the explanation mostly in the
socialist- and liberalist-orientated press? There may be some truth
in this, but the fact that by 1992-3 the right wing and the Christian-democratic
orientated press also seemed to be positive contradicts this. The
Krishnas' more conscientious and skilful public-relation activity
could have played a role in it. The other similarly important factor
could be that the yellow papers quickly gave up their negative tone
and focused more on curiosity since in the case of the exotic Krishnas
the news itself or the simple description proved to be interesting,
at least in the first years.
The early attacks brought grist to the Krishnas' mill, and public
opinion about them changed very much. From being a public enemy,
suspicious different people, a threat, they became seen as 'strange'
and 'exotic', or a society not only worth smiling at or wondering
at, but also worth respect. They are now depicted less and less
as a cult and more often as an ancient, interesting culture that
while difficult to fully understand and approach is still worth
'Fishing in the stew pond of Eastern Europe': Christian Churches
about the Krishnas
The religion in which Bhagavad-gita is considered the 'Bible'
is considered a Western cult by the editor of the widest circulation
paper of the reformed church.
In a popular Catholic paper, a 'scholarly' monk writes about the
Krishnas in the series: Web of Satan. He turns Christ, the
redeemer who nevertheless behaved naturally, against the 'pretentious
godhead' of Krishna consciousness. He says that Krishna consciousness
is inspired by Satan, since Krishna not only forbids meat-eating
for his followers but is also depicted as making love with his consort.
After the parliamentary decision which labelled the Krishnas as
destructive, Zoltan Endreffy established that the basis of this
suggestion is distrust, which is contradictory to the spirit of
the Second Vatican Synod. Tamas Majsai, a reformed minister and
newspaper editor, holds: 'The big churches are enjoying hugely the
field that was expanded for them from 1989-90 and they are afraid
of the soul-fishing of the legalised little churches.'
There may be some truth in this, but there are broader issues. Bela
Balas, a Catholic bishop and legendary figure of movements persecuted
by the party government regime, thinks that the secularised world
creates a market for the Krishnas since there is need in society
for silent-thinking, self-control and higher meaning. The endeavours
of the Catholics and the Krishnas are, in one sense, in competition
in this regard. Though Bela Balas thinks that the Krishnas' 'way
of life is too strict and hard for the Hungarian nation with its
hurt soul'. At last he establishes, 'It would need incredible patience
for the Catholics and the Hare Krishnas to understand each other
and become closer'. His
opinion is significant because the developing Krishna village community
is in his diocese.
Tamas Barabas (Trisa-hara Dasa), a leader of HSKCON, prepared a
report at my request. He was in charge of approaching leading figures
in the fields of theology, churches and monastic orders after the
unfavourable parliamentary decision, asking for their support in
protesting against discrimination. His experiences of the Catholic
Church are typical and similar to my own. The majority of the theologians
did not attend the meetings. Amongst seven bishops, one was prepared
to sign that he found the attack against the Krishnas contrary to
'Christian ethics'. Many showed warm sympathy and maintained relations
with the Krishnas while others showed polite or sincere interest.
Two of the five monastic orders signed, though one of them perhaps
only because they are very much afraid of the victory of the socialist
party. In the monasteries the Krishna monk asking for help was accepted
as a partner, colleague or brother and they managed to talk extensively.
An Adventist leader and a Lutheran bishop also signed, and the rector
of a Protestant academy offered to welcome Krishna students into
'In the drumfire of false doctrines': Krishna consciousness
in the mirror of scientific and educational books
There are half a dozen Hungarian books dealing with cults and new
religious movements. In most cases they misinform the reader. A
slender brochure was published by the Society for Scientific Education,
heralding the appearance of the Documentation and Information Centre
for protection against dangerous cults.
This Centre was strongly influenced by Nemeth. According to their
brochure, the Krishna religion is a pseudo-science and mass-brainwashing.
The majority of the facts and figures are wrong, and the attitude
is prejudiced. There are other publications from churches. Amongst
those produced by the Catholics is a book by G. De Rosa, using key
phrases such as 'magic', 'brainwashing' and 'dictatorship'.
A Hungarian author describes Krishna consciousness as part of the
New Age movement, an 'aggressive and destructive cult'. He compares
its stance on family and children to the communist and Hitlerian
There is another book by a scholarly Benedictine who is critical
of his own church and quite tolerant of the 'cults'. He deals with
the Krishna religion by comparing it to other religious phenomena
that are not yet present in Hungary.
Among two books produced by the Protestants, one is a short brochure
that says that non-Christian cults and movements are 'traps' and
our fellow-countrymen should
be most definitely warned against them. The other is a larger, more
thorough work, and its author must have conducted his studies in
America. He reports quite accurately the conference organised by
the Krishnas to introduce their religion (although he chose not
to attend it but only received its publicity material). He tries
to refute the statements of István Tasi, the Hungarian writer
of a book that compares Christianity and Krishna consciousness.
I suggest that even someone who reads the yellow press is more
informed about the Krishna religion than people who read those books.
The more demanding readers, the interested intellectuals or the
concerned relatives cannot really get complete and accurate information
because the majority of the books published in Hungarian are written
in a spirit of 'defence against an imagined enemy'.
'I received an answer for everything': meeting with Krishna
Through surveys, personal talks and interviews, I have learnt about
the conversion, integration and transformation of the way of life
of one hundred Krishna followers.
They represent one-tenth of the inner circle (estimated to number
900-1000 according HSKCON's leaders). This includes initiated monks,
student-members aspiring for initiation, and all those who practise
the religion seriously.
The majority (70%) of those who completed the survey are from 21-30
years old. The proportion of men and women was about equal. Most
members had completed at least secondary education. Half of them
had been to specialised secondary schools or secondary grammar schools.
One-tenth had some university education. 30% had undertaken vocational
training. Many discontinued
their studies because of their conversion. The majority are from
urban backgrounds, twice as many from other cities as from the capital.
On this basis, Zsuzsa Horvath's statements about the members of
the faith seems true: 'They
mostly recruit amongst those who have enough free time for taking
part actively and those less socially integrated or in temporary,
marginal positions. In other words, they recruit amongst those for
whom it is relatively less risky to join a magical movement.'
It is remarkable that most (65%) of the Krishnas whom I interviewed
had not belonged to any church or religious group before their conversion.
Some called themselves materialists and atheists. Others described
themselves as believers in some higher power, and many had been
familiar with the idea of reincarnation. The rest belonged mostly
to the Catholic Church and, to a lesser degree, to the reformed
church, but most of them were religious only in their childhood
or only superficially, without active practice, real spiritual experience
or deep religious values.
In 1995, two-thirds of the members had committed themselves to
Krishna consciousness within the previous 4-7 years; the remainder
within the previous 1-3 years. The majority were introduced to Krishna
consciousness through receiving a book, others by attending public
programmes at the temple or at festivals, generally having been
invited by friends. Initially most of them found that the most attractive
thing about Krishna consciousness was the behaviour and attitude
(mainly the kindness and purity) of the Krishna followers (40%)
and the Vedic philosophy (30%). The hardest things for most of them
to come to terms with were the renunciation of sense gratification
and the esoteric aspects of the philosophy (for example, Krsna's
incarnations, the Sanskrit language, the habits (mainly the way
of dressing) and the Vedic roles of men and women.
Initially many members' families (55%) reacted negatively to the
conversion, 15% positively and the others with worry, as one would
expect, or they found it strange or surprising. Subsequently, however,
most became favourably inclined.
To find out about the changes in members' attitudes, convictions
and values, and whether Krishna consciousness is just a stage in
a person's search needs a more thorough research (including a study
of those who leave the Krishna church). One fact, however, is unambiguous:
there is no sign of brainwashing or some tricky forcing. Those who
converted cannot be described as suffering from some deficiency
or crisis, such as feeling life void and useless, a lack of self-confidence,
anguish, an unsuccessful marriage, or fear of death. On the contrary,
members generally showed positive characteristics, such as interests
in Vedic and Indian culture, vegetarianism, yoga, mysticism, transcendence
Living in Krishna consciousness in the world
I asked the question: 'What does Krishna consciousness mean for
you?' The most frequent answers were: way of life (70%); knowledge
(65%); faith (55%); security and community (40%). Only 15-35% chose
enlightenment, certainty, mission and ritual. Notably, 40% found
that Krishna consciousness represented the goal or meaning of life.
Naturally, we have to take into account that new followers portray
their lives prior their conversion negatively (willingly or not),
and they explain it through their new worldview. In this way they
attempt to suppress the old way of life and justify the present
one. Perhaps this explains why Krishna followers feel that Krishna
consciousness has changed their life radically. Mostly they describe
these changes as follows: their human relationships have become
happier and more harmonised; they have found the goal of life and
have become more spiritual. One-third changed their social status
(they shifted from work of an intellectual nature to physical work,
mundane studies to studies in the monastery). Most of them feel
that their personality changed; becoming more open, sincere, patient,
balanced, peaceful and determined. In spite of their living at a
greater distance from their families (because they moved to the
temple), they reported that their relationships with the members
of their family had improved.
Members' interests have become simultaneously narrower and broader.
Members are broader in their interests about the inner and transcendent
world, but they are less interested in the events, institutions,
entertainment, science and art of the mundane (they say 'material'
or 'sensual') world. Most of them are not (60%) or hardly (20%)
interested in politics, and they have the same attitude towards
non-Vedic sciences that they consider atheistic, faithless, unnecessary
and imperfect. Members regard the following as entertainment: associating
with devotees (20%), reading, music and talking (15%), singing,
festivals, kirtanas, reading the scriptures, hearing scriptural
classes, accepting sanctified food, and dancing (5-15%). One-third
of them do not read anything but scripture, only one-third read
newspapers, 5-15% read educational books (e.g. natural healing,
esoteric literature, training of children) and also fiction. For
more than a year, two-thirds of them have not been to the theatre,
four- fifths have not been to the cinema, and 45% have not watched
television (and for those who have it is mostly news or wildlife
I have studied their scale of values using the Rokeach-test. This
test lists eighteen goals and eighteen values. I had the opportunity
to compare the Krishnas' results with (same aged but a little more
educated) members of the Catholic community whose religion and level
of commitment is most close to theirs. The 6-6 values that most
of them chose or rejected were the following:
|chosen by most: Krishnas
||chosen by most: Catholics
|discipline (having self-control)
||salvation (redemption, eternal life)
|obedience (dutiful, respectful)
||inner harmony (life without inner tension)
||real love (intimate bodily and intellectual
||family security (taking care of our beloved)
||helpful (working for others' welfare)
|peace (world free from war and conflict)
||full of love (attached, tender)
|pleasant life (enjoyment, pleasures,
a lot of free time)
||material welfare (riches)
|recognition by the society (honour)
|material riches (wealth)
||pleasant life (free time)
|logical thinking (rational)
||recognition by the society (honour)
|love (intimate bodily and intellectual
||politeness (well behaved)
|independence (strong personality)
||clean (neat, tidy)
The similarity is conspicuous: In both scales of values the spiritual
values are prominent. The difference, however, is also sharp; in
the life of the deeply Catholic people, human relationships and
feelings are much more important, in the case of the Krishnas the
emphasis is on transformation of the ego or, as they say, the 'devotion'.
Was it incidental that the growth of HSKCON happened at a time
of political change, or was it due to this social upheaval that
peoples' interest in something promising peace and a sense of meaning
Even at the beginning of the study we see that the Krishnas get
in connection with a culture which is more or less unfamiliar, but
its many elements enchant them, although the conscious acceptance
and realisation of values supposedly happens only slowly. The everyday
thinking and the way of life of the Krishnas are strongly penetrated
by their faith.
It is difficult to decide whether the world of the new Krishna
followers has become narrower or broader. It needs more research
to clarify whether the habits, standards and values of the mundane
world are completely rejected or if they are merely readjusted and
re-evaluated. Or do they become secondary and suspicious? In any
case, K. Mannheim's thoughts seem to be apt in describing them:
'The thoughts directed upwards from below are replaced by thoughts
directed downwards from above.'
 Zsuzsa Horvath. 'Plan for the study of the
Society of Krishna Devotees in Hungary' in Hitek es Emberek (Faith
and People), ELTE Institute of Sociology and Social Politics,
 Although this expression is sometimes used
pejoratively, Krishna conscious devotees also accept this name.
 At their incorporation they registered 50
 Amongst them, papers of the government and
against the government, yellow and authentic press.
 Gyozo Dobner, the Baptist founder, resigned
from the organisation and stated that 'G. Nemeth was not fighting
against the cultic symptoms but against the cults and has helped
 From the declaration of intention (published
on 16 November 1992) that came out in a leaflet with the title 'The
Chronicle of the Hungarian Scandal of Cults'.
 The winning party of the 1991 elections.
It is one of three parliamentary parties calling themselves Christian.
 Jehovah's Witnesses, The Hungarian Church
of Scientology and the Unification Church.
 Justification: 'In the newspaper called Mai
nap he infringed upon the plaintiff's rights in his article:
"Crusade of Modern Times" with his false statements.'
 At the same time eleven churches, among
them the three qualified as destructive, did not get support from
 This is how B. Andras Balint, a publicist
dealing with religion and sociology, describes him.
 Melton J. Gordon. 'A Fiery Ending' in From
the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco. (Ed. J. R. Lewis) pp. 253-60,
Boston: Rowman and Littlefield, 1994.
 Laszlo Bartus . 'A szektauldozo szektak'
(Cults persecuted by cults) in Beszelo, 16 January 1993,
 Laszlo Medgyesi. 'A Kelet-europai halasto'
(The East-European stewpond) in Reformatusok Lapja, 9 September
1992, pp. 1-2.
 Ulrich Kiss. 'A Satan halojaban' (In the
Web of Satan) in Uj Ember, 14 March 1995.
 Mariann Gyemant. 'A tortenelmi egyhazak
mossak kezeiket' (The Historical Churches Wash Their Hands) in Magyar
Nemzet, 14 April 1993.
 J. Attila. 'Ez itt nem Walt Disney-show'
(This is Not a Walt Disney Show Here) in Magyar Nemzet, 2
 Gyozo Lugosi (Ed.). Szektak (Cults).
p. 79, Budapest: TIT, 1994. The basis of this volume was the publication
called Les Sectes en France, and two chapters were written
by G. Nemeth.
 Guiseppe De Rosa. Religions, Cults and
Christianity. p. 250, Budapest: Szent Istvan Tarsulat, 1991.
 Peter Gal Abaliget. A New Age -
Kereszteny Szemmel (The New Age by the Vision of Christianity).
p. 400, Budapest: Lampas & Szegletko, 1994.
 Bruno Tarnay. Catholicism and Cults.
p. 200, Pannonhalma: Bences Kiado, 1994.
 'Protestants, Little Churches, Cults' in
Okumenikus Tanulmanyi Kozpont, Budapest 1991, p. 32.
 István Tasi. Christianity and Krishna
Consciousness, HSKCON, 1993.
 When writing this study I had 77 question
forms. 25 students were non-initiated, 26 students initiated (13
had received first initiation, 13 had received second initiation),
11 were not initiated and 3 were initiated householders (grhasthas),
two belonged to the renounced order of life (sannyasa), 5
were members of the national management, 8 were members of the temple
 In some statements to the press, the leaders
of HSKCON mention 8,000-12,000 devotees. According to Tamas Barabas
(one of the leaders of the HSKCON), 190-200 live in temples, 700-900
practise their religion seriously, on the four festivals 9,000-10,000
persons gave their names, many of whom go to different Krishna programmes.
Amongst them, the number of followers and non-followers, regular
and less-regular practitioners is unknown.
 The number of those who, after secondary
school, continue their studies in universities (6%) is half that
of those who left university because of their conversion.
 A neo-protestant, charismatic congregation
of Hungarian origin that was founded 15 years ago now has 25 members.
 Zsuzsa Horvath. 'The Sociological
Qualities of the Congregation of Faith' in Hitek es Emberek
(Faith and People). ELTE Institute of Sociology and Social
 Karoly Mannheim, Strukturen des Denkens.
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1980.